Morphological metatheory / edited by Daniel Siddiqi, Carleton University, Heidi Harley, University of Arizona.

Format:

Book

Contributor:

Siddiqi, Daniel, editor.

Harley, Heidi, editor.

Series:

Linguistik aktuell.

Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today (LA), 0166-0829

Language:

English

Subjects (All):

Morphology--Theory.

Morphology.

Metatheory.

Physical Description:

1 online resource (563 p.)

Edition:

1st ed.

Place of Publication:

Amsterdam, [Netherlands] ; Philadelphia, [Pennsylvania] : John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2016.

Language Note:

English

Summary:

The field of morphology is particularly heterogeneous. Investigators differ on key points at every level of theory. These divisions are not minor issues about technical implementation, but rather are foundational issues that mold the underlying anatomy of any theory. The field has developed very rapidly both theoretically and methodologically, giving rise to many competing theories and varied hypotheses. Many drastically different and often contradictory models and foundational hypotheses have been proposed. Theories diverge with respect to everything from foundational architectural assumptions to the specific combinatorial mechanisms used to derive complex words. Today these distinct models of word-formation largely exist in parallel, mostly without proponents confronting or discussing these differences in any major forum. After forty years of fast-paced growth in the field, morphologists are in need of a moment to take a breath and survey the drastically different points of view within the field. This volume provides such a moment.

Contents:

Intro

Morphological Metatheory

Editorial page

Title page

LCC data

Dedication page

Table of contents

About the Authors

How are words related?

1. Introduction: Lexemes, word forms, paradigms

2. Why words and paradigms?

3. Denying morphology

4. Formal and semantic overlap reconsidered

5. Lexical representations

6. Lexical relatedness - a rough sketch

7. Deverbal participles and lexical relatedness

8. The metatheoretical status of indexes

9. Concluding remarks

References

Paradigms at the interface of a lexeme's syntax and semantics with its inflectional morphology

1. Overview of Old English conjugation

1.1 Morphosyntactic properties

1.2 Strong verbs

1.3 Weak verbs

2. Content/form asymmetries in Old English conjugation

2.1 Impoverishment in Old English conjugation

2.2 Enrichment in Old English conjugation

2.3 Dissonance in Old English conjugation

3. A theory of content/form asymmetries in Old English conjugation

3.1 Content paradigms, form paradigms and their linkage

3.2 Paradigm function

3.3 Canonical paradigm linkage

3.4 Property mappings

3.5 Stems

3.6 Inflection classes

3.7 Form correspondents

3.8 Rules of exponence

3.9 Noncanonical paradigm linkage

4. Discussion and conclusions

A Postsyntactic Morphome Cookbook

1. Introduction

2. Morphomes as Parasitic Features in DM

2.1 Purely Parasitic Features

2.2 Semi-Parasitic Features

2.3 Summary

3. Habitats of Parasitic Features

3.1 Hidden Parasitic Features in DM: Decomposition

3.2 Hidden Parasitic Features in DM - Meta-Features on Markedness

3.3 Parasitic Features in other Frameworks

3.4 Summary

4. Morphomes in the Morphome Literature

4.1 Some Classical Morphomes

4.2 Deriving Restrictions on Morphomes

4.3 Summary.

5. Alternatives to Morphomes and Parasitic Features in DM

5.1 Morphomes as Elsewhere Syncretism

5.2 Morphomes as Homophony or Suppletion

5.3 Morphomes by Pure Impoverishment ('Carving')

5.4 Summary

6. Summary

Syncretism in Paradigm Function Morphology and Distributed Morphology*

2. Syncretism in DM

2.1 DM Basics

2.2 Shared- and Nonshared-Feature Syncretism in DM

2.3 Metasyncretisms in DM

2.4 Interim Summary: DM

3. Syncretism in PFM2

3.1 PFM2 Basics

Anchor 155

3.2 Syncretism in PFM2

3.3 Metasyncretism in PFM2

3.4 Interim Summary: PFM2

4. Comparing DM and PFM: Restrictiveness

4.1 Introduction

4.2 DM and Restrictions on Syncretism

4.3 Are there Restrictions on Syncretism?

4.4 Conclusion

Phase domains at PF

2. Domains

2.1 Phonological domains

2.1.1 Causatives and inner domains

2.1.2 Beyond causatives

2.2 Domains for suppletion

3. Domain mismatches

3.1 Tense domain mismatches

3.2 Phonological domains in comparatives

3.3 Domain suspension à la Bobaljik and Wurmbrand

3.4 Domain suspension revised: Feature Portage

4. Lower Heads

4.1 Yiddish predicate clefts

4.2 Compounds

5. Conclusion

The Costs of Zero-Derived Causativity in English

1.1 Levels of Complexity

1.2 Lexical Semantic Complexity in Processing

2. Deriving Behavioral Predictions

3. Experiment 1

3.1 Methods

3.1.1 Participants

3.1.2 Stimuli

3.1.3 Procedure

3.1.4 Data Processing

3.1.5 Data Analysis

3.2 Results

3.3 Experiment 1 Discussion

4. Experiment 2

4.1 Methods

4.1.1 Participants

4.1.2 Stimuli

4.1.3 Procedure

4.1.4 Data Processing

4.1.5 Data Analysis

4.2 Results

4.3 Experiment 2 Discussion

5. Self-Paced Reading Discussion.

6. Experiment 3

6.1 Methods

6.1.1 Participants

6.1.2 Stimuli

6.1.3 Procedure

6.1.4 Data processing

6.1.5 Data analysis

6.2 Results

6.2.1 Fusiform Gyri

6.2.2 Left Posterior Temporal Lobe

6.2.3 Left Inferior Frontal Gyrus

6.2.4 Left Anterior Temporal Lobe

6.2.5 Medial Prefrontal Cortex

6.3 Discussion

7. General Discussion and Conclusion

Spans and words

1. Introduction: In search of the grammatical word

2. Proposal: Words are defined over spans

2.1 Portmanteaux

2.2 Syntactic Periphrasis

2.3 Mirror theory

2.4 Grammatical words

3. The X0 hypothesis

3.1 Phonologically and lexically driven periphrasis

3.2 Head movement

4. Conclusion

Building words

1. Syntactic word formation: A Distributed Morphology perspective

2. Root suppletion

3. Building causatives and anticausatives

4. A complex syntax for word formation

4.1 Evidence for complexity in the causative alternation

4.2 Domains for root suppletion

4.3 Spans and extended projection

Emergent Morphology

2. Morphs and morphemes

3. Morph selection driven by morphosyntax

3.1 Top-down assessment: Manifest S-features

3.2 Bottom-up assessment: S-feature Congruence

3.3 Zero-morphs

4. Defaults

4.1 A single default

4.2 Multiple defaults and shared features

4.3 Defaults are not underlying forms

4.3.1 High information content but low frequency

4.3.2 Abstract representations: A frequency of zero

4.4 Summary

5. Selecting a nondefault morph

5.1 Preferred morphs

5.1.1 Subregularities

5.1.2 Portmanteaux: A morpho-syntactic preference

5.1.3 Summary: Nonuniqueness of underlying representations

5.2 The role of phonology.

5.2.1 Phonological relations among morphs: Southern Min tone circle

5.2.2 Phonological selection: Yoruba tone

5.2.3 Morph-specific phonological selection: Kinande tone

5.2.4 Summary

6. Conclusion

Morphology as an adaptive discriminative system

1.1 The constructionist fallacy in morphology

1.2 Overview

2. The classical WP model

2.1 Uncertainty

2.2 Discriminability

3. Associative and discriminative strategies of correspondence

3.1 The logic of associative decomposition

3.2 The limits of association

3.2.1 The challenge of segmentation

3.2.2 Gestalt exponence

3.2.3 Sub-phonemic discrimination

3.3 Summary

4. Some challenges for making sense of morphology

5. Conclusions

Readjustment

2. A quick overview of readjustment rules in DM and beyond

2.1 Where do readjustment rules come from, and what were they supposed to do?

2.2 Where do readjustment rules apply?

2.3 Why are readjustment rules problematic?

3. Revisiting arguments in favor of readjustment rules

3.1 Readjustment as "secondary exponence"

3.2 Verb stem allomorphy in Uto-Aztecan: Hiaki (Yaqui) vs. Classical Nahuatl

3.2.1 Verb stem allomorphy in Hiaki

3.2.1.1 HTB on the Hiaki data

3.2.1.2 HTB on readjustment vs. stem listing

3.2.2 Verb stem allomorphy in Classical Nahuatl (CN)

3.2.2.1 The CN data

3.2.2.2 The CN analysis

3.2.3 Interim conclusion regarding Uto-Aztecan stem allomorphy

3.3 Verb stem allomorphy plus reduplication in Sye (Erromangan)

3.3.1 An analysis based on suppletive stems - Inkelas and Zoll (2005)

3.3.2 Frampton's (2009) derivational account of modified forms from unmodified forms in Sye

3.3.3 Evaluation: Stem listing (suppletion) vs. readjustment in Sye

References.

Towards a Restricted Realization Theory

2. On the preference of NTI and VIO models

3. Towards a VIO model: Non-locality

4. The monolistemic approach to stem allomorphy and strong/weak suppletion

4.1 Double Marking

4.1.1 The diachrony of double marking

4.1.2 Double marking and opacity

4.1.3 Triple marking

4.1.4 Borrowed affixation

4.2 Morphological creativity and the exclusion of unproductive forms

4.2.1 Where does all that listed morphology come from?

4.3 Productivity, listing, and double marking

5. Containment

5.1 Proposal I: Non-terminal insertion is limited to complex heads

5.2 Proposal II: Post-linearization spanning

4.2.1 English participle and past tense convergence

4.2.2 -ity vs. -abil-ity

4.2.3 Bracketing paradoxes

6. Towards a Vocabulary Insertion-Only model: Impoverishment

6.1 Siddiqi (2009) on feature blocking

7. Conclusions

List of Abbreviations

We do not need structuralist morphemes, but we do need constituent structure

2. We do not need structuralist morphemes: On stem storage

2.1 Stem storage avoids conspiratorial zeroes

2.2 Stem storage widens cyclic domains for allomorph selection just enough

2.2.1 Spanish third-conjugation verbs: Subcategorization and phonotactic optimization

2.2.2 Cyclic locality in the Spanish third-conjugation alternation

2.3 Stem storage maintains parallel cycles of phonological and semantic interpretation

2.3.1 The cyclic transmission of stress-induced hiatus in Spanish denominal derivatives

2.3.2 The parallel cyclic transmission of allomorphy and allosemy

3. We need constituent structure: On the diachronic interaction of computation and storage

Inner and Outer morphology in Greek adjectival participles

1. Introduction.

2. Some background: Inner and outer affixation.

Notes:

Description based upon print version of record.

Includes bibliographical references at the end of each chapters and index.

Description based on print version record.