Phrasal and clausal architecture : syntactic derivation and interpretation in honor of Joseph E. Emonds / edited by Simin Karimi, Vida Samiian, Wendy Wilkins.

Format:

Book

Contributor:

Karimi, Simin.

Samiian, Vida.

Wilkins, Wendy K.

Emonds, Joseph E.

Series:

Linguistik aktuell = Linguistics today, 0166-0829 ; v. 101

Language:

English

Subjects (All):

Grammar, Comparative and general--Syntax.

Grammar, Comparative and general.

Linguistics.

Physical Description:

vi, 423 p.

Edition:

1st ed.

Place of Publication:

Amsterdam ; Philadelphia : John Benjamins Pub., 2006.

Language Note:

English

Summary:

In this paper, I discuss "quasi-argument" thematic roles (Instrument, Benefactive and certain Locations), and argue on the basis of their reconstruction properties and their dependence on event-related features that we should analyze them as generated in the event-related functional projections for VP, rather than in VP itself. This supports an approach to thematic roles as defined relative to syntactic relations, since I argue that the roles in question are not definable in relation to lexically specified verbal predicates.

Contents:

Phrasal and Clausal Architecture

Editorial page

Title page

LCC data

Table of contents

Phrasal and clausal architecture

Introduction

Restructuring and clausal architecture in Kannada*

1. Introduction

2. Evidence for VP-level restructuring in Kannada

2.1. Long passive

2.2. Reflexive binding

2.3. Weak cross-over effects (WCO)

2.4. Negative polarity licensing

2.5. Summary

3. VP-level restructuring and functional inertness

3.1. Nominative subjects in non-finite clauses

3.2. Negation and Comp as defective verbal heads

3.3. Multiple Nominative constructions

3.4. Accusative-to-Nominative conversion

3.5. Lack of subject-object asymmetry

4. Clausal structure in Kannada

5. Conclusion

References

The position of adverbials*

2. The distinction between subcategorized and non-subcategorized elements

3. British English do

4. An alternative structure

5. Evidence for the constituency of verb plus complements

6. Covert vs. overt movement

7. Conclusion

Bare, generic, mass, and referential Arabic DPs*

1. Overt D contrasts and genericity

1.1. Definite, generic, and mass

1.2. Predicates and anaphors

2. Arabic BNs are indefinites

2.1. Arabic BNs as indefinites?

2.2. GenP and N-to-Gen

2.3. Arabic/Romance distinctions and the Num Parameter

3. Further discussion

3.1. Gen contexts

3.2. Modification and D-binding

3.3. Modalized contexts

3.4. Definite and indefinite generics

4. BNs and PNs

5. Mass specification

6. Conclusion

The possessor raising construction and the interpretation of the subject*

2. Transitivizers and causative predicates

2.1. Hasegawa (2001, 2004)

2.2. -(S)ase and the transitive small v

2.3. Have and Get in English.

3. Possessor raising and the experiencer reading

3.1. Causatives and the experiencer reading

3.2. The possessor raising construction

3.3. On the notion of experiencer

4. A further consequence: Minimalism and Have and -(S)ase

Syntactic labels and their derivations

2. Selectional dominance throughout a derivation

3. On some puzzles associated with Head Movement

4. Deverbal nominals

5. Projecting selected phrases

Separating ``Focus movement'' from Focus

2. Notions of Focus and Focus-related movements

2.1. Approaches to Focus

2.2. Sorting out Focus-related movements

3. Is Focus-movement due to the formal feature [Focus]?

3.1. Evidence from ``pied-piping'': Agree and the position of the matching feature of the Goal

3.2. Further evidence: ``Focus-movement'' is not due to Focus

3.3. Against the assumption of two types of Focus: ``identificational'' vs. ``information'' Focus

4. A quantificational E(xhaustive) I(dentification) operator: ``Focus-movement'' is EI-Op movement

4.1. Truth-conditional effects of Hungarian Focus-movement and the nature of ``exhaustive identification''

4.2. The EI-Op movement proposal

4.3. Visibility of the Goal in operator movements

5. Benefits of the EI-Op movement proposal

5.1. A prediction: ``Focus-movement'' without Focus

5.2. Taking stock: Further benefits of the EI-based movement account

5.3. Focus-movement and EI-Op in a cross-linguistic perspective

In search of phases*

1. Principle A

2. The specialness of subjects

3. A reason for using phases

4. Conclusion

Wh-movement, interpretation, and optionality in Persian*

2. Overview of Persian syntax

3. Data

4. Previous accounts.

5. Analysis

Wh-arguments

Wh-adjuncts

6. Supporting evidence

A. Evidence for Spec of FocP as the landing site for wh-arguments

B. Evidence for the existence of a wh-operator in the Spec of CP

C. Evidence for the movement of the wh-feature to C

Structure preservingness, internal Merge, and the strict locality of triads

1. Introductory remarks

2. The problematic nature of internal Merge

3. The strict locality of triads

4. Concluding remarks

Using description to teach (about) prescription*

2. Using description to teach (about) prescription

3. Weaknesses of teaching traditional grammar

4. Grammar in the writing classroom

Survey of Writing Errors (Hairston 1981)

Status marking errors

Very serious errors

Moderately serious errors

5. Prescriptions based on register

Web sites

Grammar and usage guides

`More complicated and hence, rarer'

2. The CRH and early transformational grammar

3. The CRH and the Government-Binding Theory

4. The CRH and the Minimalist Program

5. Typological generalizations are not reliably D-structure generalizations

6. Why the CRH is incorrect

Prescriptive grammar

1. Some issues in early American grammars

2. Ongoing problems for prescriptivists

3. Ways of approaching problematic pronouns

4. Why between you and I is here to stay

The syntax of valuation and the interpretability of features*

2. Agree and feature sharing

3. The independence of valuation and interpretability

4. ``Defectivity''

5. Feature deletion and the subject omission asymmetry

References.

Linear sequencing strategies or UG-defined hierarchical structures in L2 acquisition?

2. Negation in the L1 and L2 acquisition of French and German

2.1. Verb placement in L1 acquisition of French and German

2.2. Verb placement in L2 acquisition of French and German

3. More L2 negation data

3.1. Milon (1974)

3.2. Hyltenstam (1977)

4. Interim assessment

5. Evidence for hierarchical structure in Interlanguage

6. Concluding remarks

Minimalism vs. Organic Syntax

2. The trouble with Minimalism

3. An alternative: Organic Syntax

Assumption 1: Each language has a Master Tree that includes all possible projections occurring in the language.

Assumption 2: All and only those projections occur in the Master Tree for which there is evidence in the language.

Assumption 3: Universal Grammar provides the tools for acquiring the Master Tree, based on input.

Assumption 4: The Master Tree is acquired from the bottom up.

Assumption 5: The Acquisition-Syntax Correspondence (Vainikka 2003): syntax mirrors acquisition.

Assumption 6: Actual instantiations of the tree are projected from the bottom up, based on the Master Tree.

Assumption 7: Partial trees may be projected for constructions which do not involve the full Master Tree structure.

Assumption 8: Lexical and functional projections differ in terms of how they are represented in the grammar.

Assumption 9: Cross-categorial generalizations about structure are possible.

Assumption 10: Only as much adjunction is posited as necessary.

4. Structure Building in first language acquisition

5. Structure Building and Organic Grammar in L2 acquisition

6. Two analyses of root infinitives

6.1. Prévost and White's child second language acquisition data

6.2. Prévost and White's adult L2 data.

7. Conclusion

Location and locality

1. Locations and paths

1.1. Introductory remarks

1.2. The morphological extreme: Lezgian

1.3. The syntactic extreme: German

1.4. The functional architecture of extended nominal projections

2. Locality

2.1. What is allowed

2.2. What is not allowed

3. Conclusions

Conceptual space*†

2. Conceptual structure

2.1. Spatial concepts in CS

2.2. CS and spatial structure

3. The biology of spatial structure (BioS -&gt

SpS)

3.1. Posterior parietal cortex contributions to spatial representation

3.2. Frontal contributions to spatial representation

3.3. Multiple representations and coordinate systems

3.4. Objects in motion, at a distance

3.5. The egocentric-allocentric distinction

4. The biology of conceptual structure (BioS -&gt

SpS -&gt

CS)

4.1. Conceptual evolution

4.2. Emergent constructs

4.3. Constructing CS

`Adjunct theta-roles' and the configurational determination of roles*

1. Are theta relations based on syntactic structure or semantic structure?

2. Thematic relations in conceptual structure

2.1. The conceptual component

2.2. Syntactic definitions in the Jackendoff model

3. Non-selected Roles

3.1. Adjunct-like behavior of Non-selected arguments

3.2. Reconstruction and Anti-reconstruction

4. Non-selected arguments as Event-related

4.1. Non-selected roles versus ordinary arguments

4.2. Event features and non-selected roles

4.3. Syntactic origin of Instruments and Beneficiaries

5. Conclusions

Author index

Subject index

The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today.

Notes:

Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN:

9786612155048

9781282155046

1282155040

9789027292926

9027292922

OCLC:

705867623