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Where do phonological features come from? : cognitive, physical and developmental bases of distinctive speech categories / edited by G. Nick Clements Rachid Ridouane.

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Format:
Book
Contributor:
Clements, George N.
Ridouane, Rachid.
Series:
Language faculty and beyond ; v. 6.
Language faculty and beyond ; v. 6
Language:
English
Subjects (All):
Grammar, Comparative and general--Phonology.
Grammar, Comparative and general.
Speech perception.
Language acquisition.
Physical Description:
xv, 347 p. : ill. (some col.), port.
Edition:
1st ed.
Place of Publication:
Amsterdam ; Philadelphia : John Benjamins Pub. Co., 2011.
Language Note:
English
Summary:
Stevens (2002) postulates that speakers represent words in terms of distinctive features, with different acoustic cues signaling the feature contrasts in different contexts. Imbrie (2002) suggests that children use cues differently from adults in word-onset consonants. This paper explores these differences for word-final stops, using detailed acoustic analyses of cues to the voicing contrast in 2 children (2;5 and 3;2). Voiced coda stops were associated with a long voice bar during closure and an epenthetic vowel after release; voiceless coda stops with noisy and/or glottalized voice quality toward the vowel end, suggesting that incomplete control of gestural coordination, immature planning ability, or non-adult-like decisions about enhancing feature cues, may persist even after the child is producing recognizable stops.
Contents:
Where Do Phonological Features Come From?
Editorial page
Title page
LCC data
Dedication page
Table of contents
Obituary
List of contributors
Part 1. Introduction
Editors' Overview
1. General and cognitive issues
2. Acoustic and articulatory bases of features
3. Extracting features from the signal
4. Features in phonological development
5. Envoi
References
Part II. General and cognitive issues
Features, segments, and the sources of phonological primitives
1. Introduction
2. The nature of phonological primitives
2.1 The SPE view of the elements of phonology
2.2 The implication of language-specific phonetics
2.3 Distinctive features in characterizing contrast and alternations
2.4 Distinctive feature theory as approximately correct
3. Relationship between adult phonology and acquisition
3.1 Prerequisites for an understanding of language acquisition
3.2 Acquisition of initial consonants in English: A case of covert contrast
3.3 Learning of categories and features
4. Conclusions
Feature economy in natural, random, and synthetic inventories
2. Calculating feature economy
3. The feature economy of natural languages
3.1 Procedures
3.2 The Feature Economist algorithm
3.3 Results
3.4 Discussion
4. The feature economy of random inventories
4.1 Procedures
4.2 Results
4.3 Discussion
5. The feature economy of synthetic inventories
6. General discussion and conclusions
Part III. Acoustic and articullatory bases of features
Sound systems are shaped by their users
1.1 Topic and goals
1.2 Outline of chapter
2. Place and 'perceptual contrast'
3. Place and 'articulatory cost'
3.1 Clues from physics and biology
3.2 Articulatory representations.
3.3 Articulatory effort: A question of how far and fast
4. Place and phonetic learning
4.1 Targets, motor equivalence and the adaptive organization of speech production
4.2 The basic units of speech as dynamic phonetic gestures
4.3 Unpacking 'gesture': The formal definition
4.4 Targets and phonetic learning
4.5 The numerical modeling of motor equivalence
4.6 Clues from non-speech
4.7 Two developmental hypotheses
5. Computational experiments
5.1 The optimization criterion
5.2 Motivating the formula
6. Results
7. Discussion
7.1 Universal space of 'possible CV:s'
7.2 The origin of discrete recombinant units in phonology
Acknowledgements
What features underline the /s/ vs. /s'/ contrast in Korean?
2. Phonetic considerations
2.1 The features [c.g.] and [s.g.]
2.2 The features [stiff], [slack] and [tense]
2.3 Do we need tone rather than laryngeal features in Korean consonants?
2.4 Are fortis consonants geminates or singletons?
3. Phonological behavior of the fricatives /s, s'/ in favor of [s.g.] and [tense]
3.1 Intensified expressions
3.2 Post-Obstruent Tensification
3.3 Aspiration
3.4 Korean treatment of the English and French fricative [s]
3.5 Korean treatment of Japanese geminates
4. Some theoretical implications
4.1 The specification for the feature [-s.g.] in /s, s'/
4.2 The feature [tense] rather than [voice] in Korean consonants
5. Conclusion
Automaticity vs. feature-enhancement in the control of segmental F0
1.1 Consonant voicing
1.2 Vowel intrinsic F0
1.3 German as a test case: The tense-lax opposition
1.4 Summary of the issues
2. Experimental procedures, speech material and subjects
2.1 Subject-specific details
Subject CK
Subject CG.
Subject SF
2.2 Processing of the EMG data: Estimating strength of muscle activation
2.3 Time alignment of EMG activity with F0
3. Results
3.1 Consonant voicing
3.2 Vowel intrinsic F0
3.2.1 A brief return to consonant voicing
3.3 Tense vs. Lax Vowels
4. General Discussion
4.1 Intrinsic F0 and vowel height
4.2 Consonant voicing
4.3 A different approach to the study of enhancement
Appendix
Part IV. Extracting features from the signal
Categorization and Features
2. The lingual articulation of /p/
2.1 Subjects and method
2.2 Data extraction and analysis
2.3 Results
2.3.1 Post-consonantal /p/.
2.3.2 Pre-vocalic /p/.
2.3.3 Individual patterns.
2.4 Discussion
3. Articulatory demands?
4. Phonological evidence?
5. Perceptual evidence
6. Conclusion
Features as an emergent product of computing perceptual cues relative to expectations
1.1 The search for discreteness in perception
1.2 Computing Cues Relative to Expectations
2. Vowel-to-vowel coarticulation as a test case
2.1 The Corpus
3. Testing the Parsing Model
3.1 Uncovering Features of the Target Vowel.
3.2 Anticipating the Context Vowel
4. Discussion and Conclusions
Acknowledgments
Features are phonological transforms of natural boundaries
2. Features and Boundaries
3. Voicing boundaries
4. Place of articulation boundaries: Psychoacoustic thresholds vs. contextual flexibility and multiple cueing
4.1 Central vs. peripheral vowel contexts: From psychoacoustics to articulatory representations
4.2 How percept-percept couplings contribute to fill the gap between psychoacoustics and articulatory representations.
5. Consonants vs. vowels: A special instance of contextual flexibility
6. From psychoacoustics to phonology
Part V. Features in phonological development
Features in child phonology
2. Some history
3. Theoretical perspectives
3.1 The search for criteria: How may one define 'having a feature'?
3.2 Problems with the idea of the feature as 'unit'
3.3 Criteria based on class omission or feature spreading.
3.4 The minimal pair criterion
3.5 Gestural vs. feature analysis
4. Order of emergence and the effect of the ambient language
5. Our proposal: Features as emergents from first words
5.1 Micro-level analysis of features in a first typological gradient: Continuum in evidence for feature use in first words.
5.2 Transition to a more orderly state: The emergence of phonological structure
6. Variability based on recordings
7. Concluding reflections: The forest and the trees
Appendix I. First words
Group 4 Two or more minimal pairs
clear featural organization
Appendix II. Variability in first word forms: UK English
Phonological features in infancy
2. Theoretical groundwork
3. Infants' learning of phonological generalizations
3. Experiment
5. Conclusions
Acoustic cues to stop-coda voicing contrasts in the speech of American English 2-3 year-olds
2. Methods
4. Discussion
Language index
Subject index.
Notes:
Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN:
9786613174901
9781283174909
1283174901
9789027286949
9027286949
OCLC:
741492720

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