The motivated syntax of arbitrary signs : cognitive constraints on Spanish clitic clustering / Erica C. Garcia.

Format:

Book

Author/Creator:

Garcia, Erica C.

Series:

Studies in functional and structural linguistics, x 0165-7712 ; v. 61

Language:

English

Subjects (All):

Spanish language--Syntax.

Spanish language.

Spanish language--Grammar.

Linguistic analysis (Linguistics).

Physical Description:

1 online resource (352 p.)

Edition:

1st ed.

Place of Publication:

Amsterdam ; Philadelphia : John Benjamins Pub. Company, c2009.

Language Note:

English

Summary:

Quod licet Jovi non licet bovi.

Contents:

The Motivated Syntax of Arbitrary Signs

Editorial page

Title page

LCC data

Dedication

Table of contents

Erica C. García: In memoriam

Acknowledgements

Introduction

1.1 Absolute non-occurrences and the arbitrariness of syntax

1.1.1 Pinker's account of "negative" exceptions11

1.1.2 Syntactic and morphological non-occurrences

1.2 Arbitrariness and conventionality in Usage-based Grammar

1.2.1 Constructions and syntactic arbitrariness

1.2.2 Usage-based Grammar and relative frequency of use

1.3 Syntax as compositional routines

1.3.1 Inference: the key to syntactic computation

1.3.2 Syntax as iconic mapping

1.3.3 Accounting for syntactic variation and "negative exceptions"

1.3.4 Analytic implications

1.4 The non-arbitrary compositionality of Spanish clitic clusters

Notes to Ch. 1

The morphological roots of Spanish clitic syntax

The problem

2.1 The problematic clusters

2.1.1 Absolutely non-occurring cluster, with clitic alternative: *le lo4

2.1.2 Absolutely non-occurring cluster, lacking clitic alternative: *se se.

2.1.3 Interpretation-dependent unacceptable clusters

2.1.3.1 *me le

2.1.3.2 *se le

2.1.3.3 *se me lo

2.2 The nature of the problem

2.3 Previous handling of the issue(s)

2.3.1 *le lo vs. OK spur. se lo

2.3.2 *se se

2.3.3 *me (Acc) le (Dat) + non-coreferential subject

2.3.4 *spur. se + le vs. OK refl. se + le

2.3.5 * spur. se + me (Dat) + lo (Acc)

2.4 The challenge

Notes to Ch. 2

The communicative value of clitic reference

3.1 The verbal complex (= VC)

3.2 The participancy oppositions

3.2.1 Focus

3.2.2 Case

3.2.3 Case and the nature of the event

3.3 Case-categorization

3.3.1. Central vs. peripheral case

3.3.2 Variably peripheral involvements

Notes to Ch. 3

Basic clitic syntax.

4.1 Double mention, role-levelling, and event-introversion

4.1.1 Introversion of transitive events

4.1.2 Introversion of intransitive events

4.1.3 Semantic versatility of double mention

4.2 Clitic vs. non-clitic reference

4.2.1 Lexical reference: Bare noun phrases

4.2.2 Prepositional Phrases, a-phrases

4.2.3 "Understood" participants

4.3 Cumulation of clitic and extra-verbal reference

4.3.1 (Im)possibility of duplicate reference

4.3.2 Pragmatic motivation of clitic duplication

4.3.3 Factors conditioning reference-duplication

4.3.3.1 Lexical vs. pronominal a-phrase

4.3.3.2 Variable obligatoriness of clitic reference with diverse Dat roles

4.3.4 Clitic duplication as an inferential manoeuvre

Notes to Ch. 4

Variable clitic-cluster acceptability

5.1 Participancy and case-categorization

5.1.1 Participant vs. non-participant involvement

5.1.2 Central vs. peripheral participation

5.1.3 Interpretation of case-neutral clitics

5.2 The interpretation of clitic clusters

5.3 Centrifugal events: Dative + Accusative participants

5.3.1 1st vs. 3*rd ps participants

5.3.1.1 IInd vs. 3*rd ps Dative in me le cluster

5.3.1.2 Relative activeness of the Dat under single mention of the p.i.f.

5.3.1.3 Role of the 1st person

5.3.1.4 1st person as double mentioned p.i.f.

5.3.1.5 Relative activeness of the Dat under double mention of the p.i.f.

5.3.1.6 Person of the double-mentioned p.i.f., plus 3*rd ps Dat

5.3.1.7 Asymmetry between 1st/2nd and 3rd person p.i.f

5.3.1.8 Person of the Dat with a distinct human DO, under single mention

5.3.1.9 Clitic vs. a-phrase reference for distinct Dat vs. Acc

5.3.2 1st vs. 2nd ps participants

5.3.3 Distinct 3*rd ps participants

5.3.4 Same 3*rd person in both Dative and Accusative roles

5.4 Syntagmatic differentiation of Peripheral roles.

5.4.1 All Dat participants distinct from the p.i.f.

5.4.2 Multiple Dat role/referent allotment under double mention

5.5 Clitic clustering in centripetal events

5.5.1 Subject Complement (SC) plus Peripheral roles

5.5.2 Distinct DO plus Object Complement (OC)

5.5.3 Double mention of the p.i.f. and S/O Complementation

5.5.3.1 Subject Complement + double mention as Peripheral involvement of the p.i.f.

5.5.3.2 Event introversion + Subject Complement

5.5.3.3 Double mentioned p.i.f in a DO role + Object Complement

5.6 Summary and partial conclusions

Notes to Ch. 5

Accounting for all the uses of Sp. se

6.1 The problem(s)

6.1.1 Unsatisfactory accounts

6.2 The number of se's in Modern Spanish

6.2.1 One vs. two

6.2.2 Two or three?

6.3 The unitary meaning of se

6.4 Three inferential routines

6.4.1 Case-based identification of se's positive referent: the se + lo cluster

6.4.1.1 "Spurious" se and the migrant pl. -s

6.4.1.2 The absolute non-occurrence of *le lo.

6.4.1.3 Cognitive economy and the lelo/selo contrast

6.4.2 Self-salience of 3rd ps p.i.f.'s

6.4.3 Focus defeasing by impersonal se

6.4.3.1 The pragmatic value of imp. se.

6.4.3.2 The morpho-syntactic need for se

6.4.3.3 The inferential mechanics of focus defeasing

6.5 Contrasting the analyses

Notes to Ch. 6

Accounting for the non-uses of Sp. se

7.1 The variable acceptability of se me lo V3

7.1.1 Negative reference of se: imp. se + me lo

7.1.2 Positive reference of Dat se: se lo + me

7.2 Non-uses of se

7.2.1 Impossible reference by se to a 3*rd person

7.3 Impossible *se se clusters

7.4 Context-dependence of se's diverse interpretations

7.4.1 se Vb3sg

7.4.2 se Vb3sg NP

7.4.3 se lo V3sg

7.4.3.1 se lo V3sg: imp. se vs. refl. se

7.4.3.2 se lo V3sg: imp. se vs. spur. se.

7.5 The interpretation of se in non-finite VC's

7.6 Independent support for the analysis of se

7.6.1 Clitic duplication and the positive/negative reference of se

7.6.2 Clitic order

7.6.3 Cliticization of se in auxiliary periphrases

7.7 Disjoint se.....se sequences in auxiliary periphrases

7.7.1 Focus defeasing se followed by positively referring se

7.7.2 Consecutive positive interpretations of se

Notes to Ch. 7

Clitic distribution in complex Verb-Phrases

The syntactic structure of AcI's

8.1 Cliticization in complex VP's

8.2 AcI's as complex VP's

8.3 Semanto-syntactic indeterminacy in AcI's

8.4 AcI-roles: shared participants

8.5 Clitic vs. lexical reference to AcI-roles

8.6 Conflicting pressures on clitic clustering at Vx

Notes to Ch. 8

Clitic syntax in AcI's

9.1 Case-categorization in AcI's

9.1.1 Context-sensitiveness of M's case-variability

9.2 Concatenation vs. conflation of AcI's

9.2.1 Iconic concatenation

9.2.2 Pragmatic conflation

9.2.3 Non-equivalence of different AcI formulations

9.2.3.1 A barrier to climbing

9.2.3.2 Semanto-pragmatic distinctness of conflated and non-conflated variants

Notes to Ch. 9

Clitic placement in AcI's

10.1 AcI-role ranking

10.2 Role/referent allotment in dynamic transitive AcI's: M + Oa clusters

10.1.1 Oa at Vx with a tacit Ÿ

10.2.2 Uniconic backgrounding of M

10.3 Conflation in static AcI's

10.4 me le revisited

10.5 Reference at Vx to the Od of dynamic Inf's

10.5.1 * M + Od (=IO) with a further DO (Oa)

10.5.2 * M + Od with verbs of communication

10.5.3 Od at Vx with a tacit Ÿ

10.6 Summary: clitic clustering in centrifugal AcI's

10.7 Clitic placement in AcI's with copulative events

10.7.1 Parecer 'to seem' as Inf

Notes to Ch. 10

Complex role/referent allotment in AcI's.

11.1 Double-mention of M

11.1.1 Variable double mention of M

11.1.2 M's double mention and clitic fronting

11.2 S in a non-focus AcI role

11.2.1 S = O, tacit Ÿ

11.2.2 Heterogenous clusters with S in a non-focus AcI-role

11.2.2.1 Static AcI: =SDr + M

11.2.2.2 Static AcI: =SM + Dr

11.2.2.3 Dynamic AcI: =SM + O

11.2.2.4 Dynamic transitive AcI: =SO + M

11.2.3 S = O, double mentioned M

11.2.3.1 Static AcI's: S = Dr

11.2.3.2 Dynamic AcI's: S = O

11.2.3.3 Indeterminate double mention of M

11.3 AcI's and "clitic climbing"

11.4 AcI's and recursiveness

Notes to Ch. 11

Clitic placement in AcI's and their look-alikes

12.1 The syntactic relation of Inf to Vx

12.2 Auxiliary periphrases

12.2.1 Vx + [Z] + Inf auxiliary periphrases

12.3 "Control" structures

12.3.1 Vx + [Z] + Inf Control structures

12.4 Between control structures and AcI's

12.4.1 observar 'to observe'

12.4.2 mandar 'to send, order'

12.4.3 mirar 'to look at, watch'

12.5 The place of AcI's in the syn-tactic landscape

Notes to Ch. 12

Summary and conclusions

13.1 Summary

13.2 General discussion

13.3 The nature of syntax and the nature of language

13.4 Conclusion

Notes to Ch. 13

Abbreviations

Glossary

References

Corpus

Name index

Subject index

The series Studies in Functional and Structural Linguistics (SFSL).

Notes:

Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN:

9786612312298

9781282312296

1282312294

9789027289100

9027289107

OCLC:

495277377