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The derivation of anaphoric relations / by Glyn Hicks.

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Format:
Book
Author/Creator:
Hicks, Glyn.
Series:
Linguistik aktuell ; Bd. 139.
Linguistik aktuell = Linguistics today, 0166-0829 ; v. 139
Language:
English
Subjects (All):
Anaphora (Linguistics).
Government-binding theory (Linguistics).
Reference (Linguistics).
Grammar, Comparative and general.
Physical Description:
1 online resource (327 p.)
Edition:
1st ed.
Place of Publication:
Amsterdam ; Philadelphia : John Benjamins Pub. Co., 2009.
Language Note:
English
Summary:
The Derivation of Anaphoric Relations resolves a conspicuous problem for Minimalist theory, the apparently representational nature of the binding conditions. Hicks adduces a broad variety of evidence against the binding conditions applying at LF and builds upon the insights of recent proposals by Hornstein, Kayne, and Reuland by reducing them to the core narrow-syntactic operations (specifically, Agree and Merge). Several novel and independently motivated claims about syntactic features and phases are made, not only explaining the previously stipulated roles played by c-command, reference, and locality, but furnishing the dervational binding theory with sufficient flexibility to capture some long-problematic empirical phenomena: These include connectivity effects, 'picture-noun' reflexives in English, and anaphor/pronoun non-complementarity. Specific proposals are also made for extending the derivational approach to accommodate structured crosslinguistic variation in binding, with thorough expositions and analyses of the Dutch, Norwegian, and Icelandic pronominal systems.
Contents:
The Derivation of Anaphoric Relations
Editorial page
Title page
LCC data
Table of contents
Acknowledgments
Notes for the reader
Introduction
1.1. The classical binding theory
1.1.1. Referential properties of DPs
1.1.2. The distribution of anaphors and pronouns
1.1.3. The binding conditions
1.2. Theoretical context of the research
1.2.1. A brief history of the binding theory
1.2.2. Current theoretical challenges
1.3. Organisation of the book
Binding theory and the Minimalist programme
2.1. Introduction
2.2. Binding theory in Principles and Parameters
2.2.1. Chomsky (1973, 1976)
2.2.2. Chomsky (1980)
2.2.3. Chomsky (1981)
2.2.4. Chomsky (1986b)
2.2.5. Summary
2.3. The Minimalist programme
2.3.1. Core Minimalist assumptions
2.3.2. The Derivation by Phase framework
2.3.3. Theoretical problems for Derivation by Phase
2.3.4. Summary
2.4. Binding in Minimalism
2.4.1. Theoretical challenges
2.4.2. Chomsky (1993), Chomsky &amp
Lasnik (1993)
2.4.3. Remaining problems for the Minimalist binding theory
2.5. Conclusion
The binding theory does not apply at LF
3.1. Introduction
3.2. Evidence for a syntactic binding theory
3.2.1. Theoretical arguments
3.2.2. Empirical evidence for a syntactic Condition B
3.2.3. Empirical evidence for a syntactic Condition A
3.3. Counter-evidence 1: Trapping effects
3.3.1. Condition C interacting with anaphor binding
3.3.2. Quantifier scope interacting with A-movement across an anaphor
3.4. A modification to the analysis of Condition A effects
3.5. Counter-evidence 2: Idiom interpretation
3.5.1. Subjectless picture-DP idiom chunks
3.5.2. Picture-DP idiom chunks containing subjects
3.6. Counter-evidence 3: Reconstruction with expletive associates.
3.7. Counter-evidence 4: Reconstruction with bound pronouns
3.8. Conclusion
Eliminating Condition A
4.1. Introduction
4.2. Encoding binding relations
4.2.1. Binding relations derived by movement: Hornstein (2000)
4.2.2. Binding relations derived by merger
4.2.3. Binding relations derived by Agree
4.2.4. Features involved in binding
4.3. Implications for the domain problem
4.3.1. Phases as local binding domains
4.3.2. Some preliminaries on probing
4.3.3. Binding in finite clauses
4.3.4. Binding in non-finite clauses
4.4. Binding at longer distance
4.4.1. Teasing apart nonlocal and local binding configurations
4.4.2. Complications with picture-DPs
4.4.3. Non-binding-theoretic constraints on reflexives
4.5. Binding into picture-DPs
4.5.1. Binding into a subjectless picture-DP within the same clause
4.5.2. Are DPs (LF-)phases?
4.6. Anaphor connectivity
4.6.1. The interaction of binding and A'-movement
4.6.2. The interaction of binding and A-movement
4.7. Conclusion
Eliminating Condition B
5.1. Introduction
5.2. Empirical evidence for the local domain
5.2.1. vP as the local domain
5.2.2. DP/nP as a local domain
5.2.3. PP as a local domain
5.2.4. Implications for non-complementarity
5.2.5. Is the PF-phase really relevant?
5.3. Motivating Condition B effects
5.3.1. Improving on the Minimalist Condition B
5.3.2. Possibilities for a reanalysis of Condition B
5.4. Condition B as an economy violation
5.4.1. Why PF-phases are local domains
5.4.2. Is Condition B derivable from Agree after all?
5.4.3. Deriving Condition B from other principles
5.4.4. Remaining issues
5.4.5. Summary
5.5. Conclusion
Extensions to other Germanic languages
6.1. Introduction
6.2. Dutch
6.2.1. Anaphors and pronouns in Dutch.
6.2.2. Analysis of Dutch anaphors and pronouns
6.2.3. Explaining the distribution of SE and SELF anaphors
6.2.4. Problems with zich
6.2.5. Summary
6.3. Norwegian
6.3.1. Anaphors and pronouns in Norwegian
6.3.2. The basic distribution of anaphors and pronouns
6.3.3. Extended binding domains and orientation
6.3.4. A note on reciprocals
6.3.5. Summary
6.4. Icelandic
6.4.1. Anaphors and pronouns in Icelandic
6.4.2. The distribution of sig
6.4.3. Problems with pronouns
6.4.4. Summary
6.5. Conclusion
Conclusions
7.1. Summary of the book
7.2. Final thoughts
Bibliography
Index
The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today.
Notes:
Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN:
9786612105005
9781282105003
1282105000
9789027290007
9027290008
OCLC:
646801395

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