Tone and accent in Oklahoma Cherokee / Hiroto Uchihara.

Format:

Book

Author/Creator:

Uchihara, Hiroto.

Series:

Oxford studies of endangered languages

Language:

English

Subjects (All):

Cherokee language--Phonology.

Cherokee language.

Physical Description:

xviii, 302 pages : illustrations, maps ; 25 cm.

Place of Publication:

Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2016.

Summary:

The Cherokee language is the sole representative of the Southern Iroquian branch of the Iroquoian family. It is spoken by around 10, 000 speakers in north-eastern Oklahoma in Cherokee Nation, which consists of eight entire countries and parts of six more countries, and by approximately 1,000 speakers in western North Carolina, in Qualla Boundary in Swain and Jackson Counties, and in the Snowbird Community in Graham Country. Although Cherokee has more speakers that other Native American languages in the United States, it is not spoken by many tribal members under the age of 40 and is no longer being learnt by children as a home language, even in Cherokee Nation, where the rise of the Cherokee language has been considered to be more vigorous than in western North Carolina. Book jacket.

Contents:

1 Introduction 1

1.1 Tone and accent in Oklahoma Cherokee 1

1.2 The Cherokee language 3

1.2.1 Geographic location 3

1.2.2 Genetic affiliation 4

1.2.3 Speakers and variation 6

1.3 Previous studies 7

1.4 Database for this study 8

1.5 Orthography 10

1.5.1 Segmental orthography 10

1.5.1.1 Representation of C + h clusters 11

1.5.1.2 Vowel length 11

1.5.2 Conventions for writing tones and accents 12

1.5.3 The Cherokee Syllabary 15

1.6 Theoretical assumptions 16

1.7 Structure of Cherokee 17

1.7.1 The verb 17

1.7.1.1 The verb base 18

1.7.1.2 Aspectual suffixes 20

1.7.1.3 Modal suffixes 22

1.7.1.4 Reflexive/middle prefix 23

1.7.1.5 Pronominal prefixes 24

1.7.1.6 Pre-pronominal prefixes 27

1.7.2 The noun 29

1.7.3 The adjective 29

1.7.4 Stem alternations 30

1.7.4.1 Laryngeal Alternation 30

1.7.4.2 Tonicity 31

1.8 Organization of the book 32

2 Segmental inventory 34

2.1 Vowel phonemes 34

2.1.1 Vowel quality 34

2.1.2 Vowel length 35

2.2 Consonant phonemes 37

2.2.1 Plosives 38

2.2.2 Affricates 40

2.2.3 Fricatives 42

2.2.4 Resonants 43

2.2.5 Laryngeal consonants 45

2.2.6 Phonological status of the Ch sequences 45

2.2.7 Internally complex segments; c, kw, and tl 48

2.2.7.1 c 48

2.2.7.2 kw, tl 48

2.3 Word-final vowels 49

2.3.1 Word-final vowel deletion 49

2.3.2 Tone and length of the word-final vowel 52

3 Phonotactics and syllable structure 54

3.1 Phonotactics 54

3.1.1 CC sequences 54

3.1.1.1 One of the members has to be s, h, or ? 56

3.1.1.2 Sonority Sequencing Principle 57

3.1.1.3 RR and RT sequences 58

3.1.2 CCC sequences 60

3.1.3 CCCC sequences 64

3.2 Syllable structure 64

3.2.1 Onset 68

3.2.2 Rhyme 69

3.2.2.1 Nucleus 70

3.2.2.2 Coda 70

3.3 Segmental processes and constraints 72

3.3.1 Vowel Deletion and h-Metathesis 72

3.3.1.1 Vowel Deletion 73

3.3.1.2 h-Metathesis 75

3.3.2 *VV? 77

3.3.3 *C? 79

3.4 Relevance of the mora and the syllable 81

3.4.1 Relevance of the syllable 81

3.4.1.1 Superhigh assignment 81

3.4.1.2 H₃ assignment 81

3.4.1.3 Closed Syllable Shortening 82

3.4.1.4 Speakers' intuition 83

3.4.2 Relevance of mora 83

3.4.2.1 Tone bearing unit of H₁ and H₂ 83

3.4.2.2 *Trough 83

3.4.3 Summary 84

3.5 Conclusion 84

4 Overview of the tones and accents 85

4.1 The tonal and accentual inventory of Oklahoma Cherokee 85

4.1.1 Low tone 87

4.1.2 High tone 88

4.1.3 High low and low-high tones 89

4.1.4 Lowfall tone 92

4.1.5 Superhigh 94

4.1.6 Summary 96

4.2 Distribution of tones (tonotactics) 97

4.2.1 Gaps 97

4.2.2 Rare sequences (1-15 instances) 98

4.2.3 Common sequences (more than 101 instances) 99

4.3 Conclusion 100

5 Lowfall tone 101

5.1 From a glottal stop 101

5.2 Pronominal Tonic lowering 103

5.3 Pronominal prefix beginning with ii- 104

5.4 Conclusion 104

6 Tonal phonology of H₁ 107

6.1 General properties of H₁ 107

6.2 Obligatory Contour Principle 108

6.2.1 H₁ Deletion 109

6.2.2 H₁ Displacement 111

6.1.3 Summary 112

6.3 When H₁ is overridden by another tone 113

6.3.1 H₁ Deletion 113

6.3.2 H₁ Displacement 114

6.3.3 Summary 114

6.4 Floating H₁ 115

6.5 H₁ Spreading 116

6.5.1 Introduction 116

6.5.2 Blocking of H₁ Spreading 118

6.5.2.1 Preceding syllable is short 118

6.5.2.2 Preceding syllable already has a marked tone (MAX-T) 120

6.5.2.3 Preceding syllable is preceded by another H₁ (*TROUGH) 121

6.5.2.4 Domain effect 123

6.5.2.5 Exceptions 125

6.5.3 Summary 127

6.6 Conclusion 127

7 The source of H₁ 128

7.1 Glottal stop as the source of H₁ 128

7.1.1 Co-occurrence of a glottal stop and H₁ 129

7.1.2 Blocking of Laryngeal Alternation 130

7.1.3 Blocking of Vowel Deletion/h-Metathesis 132

7.1.4 Attraction of H₃ 134

7.1.5 Alternation of H₁ with lowfall tone 135

7.1.6 Comparative evidence 136

7.1.7 Summary 136

7.2 Cases where a glottal stop failed to induce H₁ 139

7.2.1 Glottal grade of Laryngeal Alternation 139

7.2.2 Tonicity and lexical category 140

7.2.2.1 Tonicity of verbs 140

7.2.2.2 Nouns, adjectives 143

7.2.3 Summary 145

7.3 A consequence of the analysis: direction of tone spreading 145

7.4 Conclusion 147

8 Historical source of H₁ alignment 151

8.1 Historical source of H₁ alignment 151

8.2 Justification for the internally reconstructed forms 154

8.2.1 Relative order of a glottal stop and its adjacent consonant 154

8.2.2 Historical vowel length 157

8.3 Illustrative examples 158

8.3.1 Types (i), (ii), (*V(C)?) 159

8.3.2 Types (iii), (iv), (*VV(C)?) 160

8.3.3 Types (v), (vi), (*V?C) 163

8.3.4 Types (vii), (viii), (*VV?C) 165

8.4 Conclusion 167

9 High tone on the final mora of the stem (H₂) 169

9.1 Phonological properties of H₂ 170

9.1.1 Direction of spreading 170

9.1.2 Atonic forms 171

9.1.3 Blocking of Laryngeal Alternation 172

9.2 Lexical and morphosyntactic conditions determining the presence of H₂ 173

9.2.1 Lexical conditions 173

9.2.1.1 Verbs 173

9.2.1.2 Nouns 175

9.2.2 Morphosyntactic function: punctual forms of verbs 177

9.3 Conclusion 179

10 Floating high tone from pre-pronominal prefixes (H₃) 180

10.1 Phonological properties of H₃ 182

10.1.1 Tone-bearing unit 183

10.1.2 Direction of spreading 184

10.1.3 Atonic forms 185

10.1.4 Blocking of Laryngeal Alternation 185

10.2 Position of H₃ 186

10.2.1 Vowel length of the PPP 186

10.2.1.1 When the vowel of the PPP is long 187

10.2.1.2 When the vowel of the PPP is short or non-existent 189

10.2.1.3 When there is more than one PPP 191

10.2.1.4 Summary: vowel length of the PPP 194

10.2.2 Presence of an underlying vowel 196

10.2.3 Presence of a glottal stop 198

10.2.4 Peculiar behaviors of pronominal prefixes beginning with ii- 200

10.2.5 Peculiar behaviors of CISL and NEG 203

10.2.5.1 Cislocative 204

10.2.5.2 Negative 205

10.3 Blocking of H₃ assignment 206

10.3.1 PPPs which do not assign H₃: HEL and NEG (and some PART) 206

10.3.2 Blocking by Pronominal Tonic Lowering 208

10.3.3 Blocking by superhigh accent 209

10.3.4 Morphosyntactic categories 209

10.4 Cherokee floating H₃ in a broader context 210

10.4.1 Quantity-insensitive iambic pitch-accent? 210

10.4.2 Invisibility of the short vowel of the PPP 212

10.4.2.1 Short vowel of PPP is extrametrical 213

10.4.2.2 Against an epenthesis analysis 217

10.4.2.3 Against a "weightless" analysis 218

10.5 Conclusion 218

11 Superhigh accent 220

11.1 Position of the superhigh accent: default-to-opposite 221

11.1.1 Basic principle: on the last long vowel 222

11.1.2 When there is no long vowel 225

11.1.2.1 General principle: H₄ on the initial vowel 225

11.1.2.2 PPP with a short vowel 227

11.1.3 Exceptional long vowels 230

11.1.3.1 Long vowel due to Pronominal Tonic Lowering 231

11.1.3.2 Long vowel due to Laryngeal Alternation 231

11.1.3.3 Historical short vowel 233

11.1.3.4 Summary: exceptional long vowels 234

11.1.4 Summary: superhigh accent as a default-to-opposite accent 235

11.2 Morphosyntactic conditions determining the presence of superhigh 235

11.2.1 Forms with a superhigh accent 236

11.2.1.1 Subordinate verbs 236

11.2.1.2 Adjectives 237

11.2.1.3 Some deverbal nouns 238

11.2.1.4 Diminutives 240

11.2.1.5 Location nouns 241

11.2.1.6 Inalienably possessed body part terms 241

11.2.1.7 Others 245

11.2.2 Forms without a superhigh accent 245

11.2.2.1 Verbs in main clause 245

11.2.2.2 Imperatives 245

11.2.2.3 Infinitives 246

11.2.2.4 Some agentive nominalization 247

11.2.2.5 Root nouns 247

11.2.3 Summary; incoherence of the morphosyntactic category marked by a superhigh accent 248

11.2.3.1 Action/state noun: argument or predicate 248

11.2.3.2 Argument noun: reference to the original argument of the verb 249

11.3 Conclusion 251

12 Typological properties of Cherokee tone and accent 252

12.1 Cherokee tones and accents: what are they? 252

12.1.1 Summary of Cherokee tone and accent 252

12.1.2 Typology of the word-prosody systems 254

12.1.2.1 Trubetzkoy (1969), Beckman (1986) 254

12.1.2.2 Hyman (2006, 2009, 2012) 255

12.1.3 Fitting Cherokee tones and accents in typological perspective 257

12.2 Typologically outstanding properties of Cherokee tones and accents 259

12.2.1 Historical development of both lower and higher tones from a glottal stop 259

12.2.2 Hybrid tone + accent system: non-contact-induced stratification? 260

12.2.3 Multiple metrical systems 263

12.2.4 Morphosyntactic use of metrical systems 264

12.3 Topics for future research 267

12.3.1 Prosody of larger phonological domains 267

12.3.2 Interaction with morphology 267

12.3.3 Phonetics and the cognitive status of various processes 268

12.3.4 Dialectal and sociolinguistic variations 268.

ISBN:

0198739443

9780198739449

OCLC:

920724570