The interplay of morphology and phonology / Sharon Inkelas.

Format:

Book

Author/Creator:

Inkelas, Sharon, author.

Series:

Oxford surveys in syntax and morphology ; 8.

Oxford linguistics

Oxford surveys in syntax and morphology ; 8

Language:

English

Subjects (All):

Grammar, Comparative and general--Morphology.

Grammar, Comparative and general.

Grammar, Comparative and general--Phonology.

Grammar, Comparative and general--Syntax.

Physical Description:

xix, 422 pages : illustrations ; 25 cm.

Edition:

First edition.

Place of Publication:

Oxford, United Kingdom : Oxford University Press, 2014.

Summary:

The Interplay of Morphology and Phonology Sharon Inkelas This book presents a phenomenon-oriented survey of the interaction between phonology and morphology. It examines the ways in which morphology, i.e. word formation, demonstrates sensitivity to phonological information and how phonological patterns can be sensitive to morphology. Chapters focus on morphologically conditioned phonology, process morphology, prosodic templates, reduplication, infixation, phonology-morphology interleaving effects, prosodic-morphological mismatches, ineffability, and other cases of phonology-morphology interaction. The overview discusses the relevance of a variety of phenomena for theoretical issues in the field. These include the debate over item-based vs. realizational approaches to morphology; the question of whether cyclic effects can be subsumed under paradigmatic effects; whether reduplication is phonological copying or morphological doubling; whether infixation and suppletive allomorphy are phonologically optimizing; and more. The book is intended to be used in graduate or advanced undergraduate courses or as a reference for those pursuing individual topics in the phonology-morphology interface. Book jacket.

Contents:

1 Introduction 1

2 Morphologically conditioned phonology 9

2.1 Illustrative examples 10

2.2 Approaches to morphologically conditioned phonology 11

2.3 Phonological sensitivity to lexical class 13

2.3.1 Part of speech 13

2.3.2 Ideophones 15

2.3.3 Etymological classes 17

2.3.4 Arbitrary lexical classes: patterned exceptions 19

2.4 The root-affix distinction 21

2.4.1 Examples of root faithfulness 23

2.4.2 Counterexamples to the RAFM 25

2.5 Beyond roots: Morphological construction-specific phonology 29

2.5.1 Segment deletion 30

2.5.2 Gemination 32

2.5.3 Vowel lengthening 33

2.5.4 Truncation to a prosodic constituent 33

2.5.5 Ablaut and mutation 37

2.5.6 Dissimilation and "exchange" rules 39

2.5.7 Stress/pitch-accent (re)assignment 40

2.6 Substance of morphologically conditioned phonology 44

2.7 Generalizing over the morphological conditioning of phonology within a language 44

2.7.1 How many types of morphologically conditioned phonological patterns can there be in a language? 44

2.7.2 How different can morphologically conditioned patterns in the same language be from one another? 47

2.7.2.1 Noun privilege 50

2.7.2.2 Case study: Japanese 52

2.7.3 Interaction between morphologically conditioned patterns, in complex words 59

2.8 Summary 59

3 Process morphology 60

3.1 Three illustrative examples 60

3.2 Phonological substance of process morphology 62

3.2.1 Segment deletion: Lardil, Nanti, Hausa 63

3.2.2 Gemination 65

3.2.3 Vowel lengthening 66

3.2.4 Truncation to a prosodic constituent 68

3.2.5 Ablaut and mutation 70

3.2.6 Dissimilation and "exchange" rules 71

3.2.7 Stress/tone/pitch-accent (re)assignment 74

3.2.8 Summary 75

3.3 Morphological substance of process morphology 76

3.4 Distinguishing between morphologically conditioned phonology and process morphology 76

3.5 Theoretical approaches to process morphology 81

4 Prosodic templates 84

4.1 Units of templatic form 87

4.2 Isolated templaticity 88

4.2.1 English comparatives 88

4.2.2 Cupeño habilitatives 89

4.2.3 Noise words in Guarani 91

4.2.4 Hausa V-X → N compounds 93

4.3 Systematic stem templaticity 94

4.3.1 Root shape templaticity in Yowlumne 94

4.3.2 Tiene 97

4.4 Pervasive templaticity 99

4.4.1 Minimality in Lardil 100

4.4.2 Minimality in Japanese 101

4.5 The phonological analysis of templates 103

4.5.1 Root templaticity in Sierra Miwok 104

4.5.2 Illustration of emergent templates: Tiene 107

4.5.3 Generalized Template Theory and templatic size 109

4.6 Conclusion 112

5 Reduplication 114

5.1 Approaches to reduplication 114

5.2 The phonology of reduplication 116

5.2.1 Prosodic shape of reduplicant 116

5.2.2 A-templatic Reduplication 122

5.2.3 Phonological reduction of reduplicants 123

5.2.4 Locality and nonlocality in reduplication 126

5.2.5 Internal reduplication 128

5.2.5.1 Locality 129

5.2.6 The "overcopying" effect, or exfixation 129

5.3 Phonological identity effects in reduplication 132

5.3.1 Wilbur's Identity principle 132

5.3.2 Reduplicative opacity in BRCT 134

5.3.3 Opacity as a cyclic effect 136

5.3.4 Templatic backcopying 138

5.4 Phonological (compensatory) duplication 140

5.5 The morphology of reduplication 141

5.5.1 Root reduplication 143

5.5.2 Phrasal reduplication 149

5.6 The morphological nature of reduplication 150

5.6.1 Reduplication as concomitant of affixation 151

5.6.2 Synonym reduplication 153

5.6.3 Morphologically complex reduplicants 157

5.6.4 Echo reduplication and other types of morphologically fixed segmentism 158

5.7 Conclusion 163

6 Infixation 165

6.1 What kinds of things can infix? 166

6.2 Location of infixes 168

6.3 Internal (infixing) reduplication 170

6.3.1 Locality in internal reduplication 171

6.3.2 Hybrid infixes 174

6.4 The P >> M approach to infixation in Optimality Theory 175

6.4.1 Prosodic vs. segmental factors in optimizing displacement 178

6.5 A lexical approach to infixation 181

6.5.1 Anti-optimizing infixation 182

6.6 Exfixation 183

6.7 Edge-proximity in infixation 186

6.8 Conclusion 188

7 Interleaving: The phonological interpretation of morphologically complex words 189

7.1 Cyclicity 190

7.1.1 Turkish syllabification 190

7.1.2 Indonesian stress 193

7.1.3 Cyclic nasal harmony in Sundanese 195

7.1.4 Cyclic mutation in Cibemba causative stems 197

7.2 Layering 199

7.2.1 Finnish 200

7.2.2 Hausa 201

7.2.3 Reduplication 203

7.2.4 Ndebele reduplication 204

7.3 Interleaving, morphological reorderability, and level ordering theory 208

7.3.1 Malayalam 209

7.3.2 Turkish 213

7.3.2.1 Stress-neutral suffixation 214

7.3.2.2 Prestressing suffixes 216

7.3.2.3 Sezer stems 219

7.3.2.4 Compounding 222

7.4 Non-interleaving approaches to interleaving effects 224

7.4.1 Indexed Constraint Theory 225

7.5 Bracket Erasure 227

7.5.1 Access to internal roots and stems 230

7.5.1.1 Tone assignment in Tura: evidence for internal stem visibility 230

7.5.1.2 Musqueam stress assignment 232

7.5.2 Root reduplication 234

7.5.2.1 Morpheme Integrity in Kinande reduplication 237

7.5.2.2 Morphological access 238

7.5.3 Morphological selection for stem-internal affixes 239

8 Morphologically derived environment effects 242

8.1 A common type of morphologically derived environment effect 242

8.2 Which phonological patterns are subject to morphologically derived environment effects? 244

8.2.1 The Alternation Condition, or the role of lexical contrast 245

8.2.2 Comparative Markedness 247

8.3 Phonologically derived environment effects 250

8.4 A broader range of morphologically derived environment effects 253

8.4.1 Tohono O'odham 253

8.4.2 Turkish minimality 255

8.4.3 Japanese minimality 256

8.4.4 Interim summary 257

8.5 Cophonological approaches to NDEB effects 260

8.5.1 Turkish minimality 261

8.5.2 Tohono O'odham stress 262

8.5.3 Interim summary 263

8.6 Is NDEB a valid cross-linguistic generalization? 266

8.6.1 Turkish minimality revisited 266

8.6.2 Japanese minimality revisited 267

8.6.3 Finnish (Anttila 2006) 268

8.7 Derived environment effects: a distinct phenomenon, or just morphologically conditioned phonology? 269

8.8 Case study: Turkish velar deletion 270

8.8.1 The part of speech condition 271

8.8.2 Suffix-initial velars 273

8.8.3 Lexical exceptions 274

8.8.4 Phonologically derived environments 275

8.9 Morphologically derived environment effects in the context of morphologically conditioned phonology 279

9 When phonology interferes with morphology 281

9.1 Suppletive allomorphy 282

9.1.1 Phonologically optimizing allomorphy 282

9.1.2 Phonologically non-optimizing allomorphy 284

9.1.3 Syllable-counting allomorphy 285

9.1.4 Opaquely conditioned allomorphy 287

9.2 Phonologically conditioned morphological gaps (ineffability) 289

9.2.1 Phonological selectional requirements on affixation 290

9.2.2 Phonological output conditions 290

9.2.2.1 Norweegian imperatives 292

9.2.2.2 Turkish prosodic minimality 292

9.2.2.3 Finnish case and possessive suffixes 293

9.2.3 Ineffability in morphological context 296

9.2.4 Ineffability in lexical contrast: The role of determinacy 299

9.3 Haplology effects 300

9.3.1 Suppletive allomorphy 302

9.3.2 RMC in morphological context 302

9.3.3 Implications of the RMC for a theory of the phonology-morphology interface 304

9.3.4 A continum of phonological similarity 305

9.4 Morphological order 306

9.4.1 Coordinate compounding 307

9.4.2 Mobile affixes 309

9.4.3 Local affix ordering 311

9.4.4 Global affix ordering: Pulaar 312

9.4.5 Summary 314

9.5 Conclusion 315

10 Nonparallelism between phonological and

morphological structure 316

10.1 The prosodic hierarchy 317

10.2 Compounding: One prosodic domain or two? 319

10.2.1 Indonesian 319

10.2.2 Japanese 320

10.2.3 Malayalam 322

10.2.4 Interim summary 325

10.2.5 Cohering vs. noncohering affixes 326

10.3 Affix clusters forming prosodic domains 328

10.3.1 Nimboran 328

10.3.2 Athapaskan 331

10.3.3 Internal access: Prosodic Roots, Stems, and Words 333

10.3.4 Exfixation 334

10.4 Conclusion 336

11 Paradigmatic effects 338

11.1 Interleaving as paradigmatic correspondence: Base-Identity 338

11.1.1 Sundanese 339

11.1.2 English flapping and aspiration 340

11.1.3 Cibemba 342

11.1.4 Jita 343

11.2 Divergences between interleaving and Paradigm Uniformity 346

11.2.1 Spanish Diminutives 348

11.2.2 Romanian 349

11.2.3 English stress 351

11.3 Summary: Paradigm constraints vs. interleaving 353

11.4 Anti-homophony 355

11.4.1 Avoidance of affix deletion 356

11.4.2 Avoidance of affix conflation 360

11.4.3 Dissimilation triggered to avoid affix homophony 361

11.4.4 Stem alternations blocked to avoid homophony 363

11.4.5 Stem alternations triggered by anti-homophony 365

11.4.6 Anti-homophony in morphophonological context 367

11.5 Lexical distinctiveness 370

11.6 Summary 371

12 Conclusion 373.

Notes:

Includes bibliographical references (pages 375-408) and indexes.

ISBN:

9780199280483

0199280487

9780199280476

0199280479

OCLC:

883651726